July Revolution: A New Dawn or the Same Deception?

Bangladesh has often been characterized as a fertile ground for revolutions. Throughout our extensive historical journey, we, as a nation, have witnessed numerous uprisings and protests. The Fakir-Sannyasi Rebellion, the Basherkella Revolt, the Faraizi Movement, and the Sepoy Mutiny vividly illuminate the pages of our history, each demonstrating unparalleled courage and valor. Beyond these, the past century has seen several pivotal achievements for the Bangladeshi state: the 1947 independence, the 1971 Liberation War, the 1990 Mass Uprising, and most recently, the 2024 student-people's revolution. Behind each of these revolutions lies the sacrifice and blood-soaked narratives of thousands of our martyrs. What was the underlying purpose of this yearning for martyrdom, this fearless confrontation of oppressors? Was it merely a transfer of power? A cycle of being sacrificed from one oppressor to another, or something profoundly different?

Those who are prepared to lay down their lives in mass movements harbor specific aspirations. It is through the explosion of suppressed grievances that people take to the streets to forge a new paradigm. However, a significant question has emerged: Have we, as a nation, been consistently deceived after every revolution? To what extent have the broader objectives, for which the masses launched these formidable movements, truly been fulfilled?

The state of Pakistan gained independence in 1947, championing Muslim nationalism. The dream was to establish an Islamic governance system and justice in East and West Pakistan. However, the ruling elite thwarted this aspiration. Over twenty-three years, rulers changed hands, but the hopes and expectations of the populace remained unfulfilled. Economic, political, and cultural disparities became glaringly evident. The conspiracy orchestrated by Bhutto and Yahya claimed the lives of millions of innocent people, ultimately shattering the dream of 1947 independence.

Next, let us deliberate on the situation following the achievement of independence through the 1971 Liberation War. People from rural Bengal took up arms, demanding equality, democratic rights, and economic emancipation. While we attained independence through war, those fundamental demands were never realized. Following the 1971 independence, we inherited an inconsistent and anti-people constitution. The misgovernance of Sheikh Mujib led to a famine, resulting in the loss of approximately 1.5 million lives. Furthermore, Sheikh Mujib orchestrated thousands of extrajudicial killings through his personal Rakkhi Bahini. By establishing BAKSAL, he devoured the democratic rights of the people, instituting a one-party authoritarian rule. Once again, our hopes for independence were dashed. The nation, born with promises of justice and equality, quickly descended into fear and silence. The dream of a people’s republic was replaced by the tyranny of a personality cult. Voices of dissent were either co-opted or crushed, leaving a traumatized population in its wake. Thus, the spirit of '71 was betrayed—not by outsiders, but by the very hands that swore to uphold it. Even after the 1990 anti-autocracy movement, democratic rights remained elusive. Only a rotation of rulers occurred, but the fate of the people remained unchanged.

In this continuing historical pattern of deception, the question naturally arises: Is the 2024 student-people's uprising—the blood of thousands of martyrs—destined to be in vain? Such apprehension is not unfounded. Yet, many harbor hope regarding 2024, envisioning a new political arrangement where not only power changes hands, but the fate of the people also improves through consensus and extensive reforms. Let's revisit the background of the 2024 revolution.

Sheikh Hasina's initial step towards becoming a fascist was the brutal killing of Jamaat-e-Islami and Shibir leaders with oars and sticks on October 28, 2006, followed by dancing on their corpses. Subsequently, after gaining power in 2009, the true, despicable character of the Awami League gradually unfolded. Upon assuming power, 57 patriotic army officers were assassinated. Then, a mob was mobilized at Shahbagh to conduct staged tribunals against patriotic and anti-Indian hegemony leaders. Under Sheikh Hasina's direct instruction, the Shapla Massacre was carried out in May 2013. Alongside these antidemocratic and brutal events, leaders of opposition parties like Jamaat-e-Islami and BNP faced attacks, enforced disappearances, and murders. In addition to being deprived of political rights, the populace also experienced severe discrimination in their economic and social entitlements.

While Sheikh Hasina suppressed civil liberties and became a fascist, she was aided by certain sycophantic intellectuals. Hasina and her father were artificially crafted into unquestionable, revered cult figures. During the Hasina regime, if anyone criticized her, they would cautiously look around, fearing being overheard. Such was the reign of terror established by the fallen fascist. Universities turned into echo chambers, where critical thinking was replaced by blind loyalty. Media houses became propaganda mills, rewarding obedience and punishing truth. Even history was rewritten to fit the script of dynastic glorification and selective memory. In this climate of fear and fabrication, the nation gasped for truth, justice, and genuine democracy.

The suppression of the people for the past seventeen years made Sheikh Hasina's downfall inevitable. Newton's third law states that every action has an equal and opposite reaction. When pushed against the wall, there is no option but to move forward. In July, a spontaneous explosion of collective anger erupted. People from every stratum of society took to the streets, driven solely by the yearning for liberation. Students from schools, colleges, madrasas, and universities participated most extensively. Workers, marginalized youth, and professionals also fearlessly offered their lives in demand of freedom.

In this July revolution, Abu Saeed bravely embraced death, just as thousands like Mugdho, Wasim, Shanto, Ali Raihan, and Tahmid became martyrs without hesitation. What was their aspiration behind this sacrifice? Did they merely give their lives for an election or a transfer of power, or did they seek a lasting change? The primary objective was to never again witness a fascist like Hasina, and to transform Bangladesh into a democratic, impartial, and welfare state.

Following the formation of the interim government in August, concerns have emerged regarding depoliticization, self-serving conflicts, and divisions within the pro-July forces. Weaknesses and inefficiencies in various governmental sectors have also become apparent. Moreover, some political factions are engaged in non-cooperation. Thus, the question is legitimately raised: Are we once again going to be deceived, similar to 1947, 1971, and 1990? Will we finally dismantle the cycles of betrayal and birth a republic owned by its people, not its rulers?

The encouraging aspect is that the July movement was orchestrated by a generation not overly enamored with power; they know how to immediately protest injustice. For the past sixteen years, political parties failed to mount a formidable movement to overthrow fascism, but Gen Z has demonstrated that united student-people resistance is not an impossible feat. Generational political awareness will strengthen the July revolution.

One of the most successful revolutions in the world is the Islamic Revolution of Iran. After overthrowing the Shah's regime in 1979, the revolution has remained intact, and its internal political structure has not crumbled. Several significant factors contributed to this. Firstly, there was an intense fervor for Iranian, or rather, Islamic nationalism among its people. This fervor has been sustained by the development of rich literature, culture, and art. An anti-Western mindset also strengthened Iranian nationalism. Secondly, and most crucially, was the role of strong and charismatic leadership. Ayatollah Khomeini so profoundly captivated Iranians that no one even contemplated rebellion. Khomeini became the central emotional and unifying force of the nation. Thirdly, what made the Islamic Revolution sustainable was radical reform. The Iranian people discarded the constitution crafted by the Shah's regime, replacing it with a reflection of the people's aspirations, namely Islamic law. In essence, these three factors ensured the lasting nature of Iran's Islamic Revolution, with no significant internal turmoil observed. Iran's recent resistance against Israel and America is propelled by the spirit of that very Islamic Revolution.

Now, let's consider how Bangladesh's July Revolution can achieve a lasting form. For this, it is imperative to consider the country's ethnographic characteristics, religious sentiments, socio-economic conditions, and geographical location. To ensure permanence, the July Revolution must root itself in a unifying national ideology that transcends partisan interests and reflects the people’s core identity. Only through structural reform, and a people-driven constitution can this revolution evolve from a moment of defiance into a durable foundation for a just republic.

Bangladesh's 1972 constitution has largely failed. This anti-people and inconsistent constitution has been unable to provide political equilibrium for half a century. It even includes undemocratic and conscienceless laws like Article 70. Yet, the constitution is the framework of the state. Regardless of which political party gains power under a flawed framework, the outcome will invariably be negative. Therefore, it is time for us to reconsider constitutional reform.

The construction of a strong democratic state structure is necessary. To overcome the democratic crisis, a political leadership inspired and energized by democratic ideals is essential. There is no alternative to this. In the past, democracy was harmed by the undemocratic actions of leaders, not by the people. To solidify the roots of democracy in this society, the social sphere must be entirely conducive to democracy. In this regard, political parties have no choice but to step forward.

Positive changes in socio-economic conditions are required. Unless fundamental and human rights are ensured, political instability will persist. Proper implementation of education, healthcare, and equity is desired. Special attention is needed to ensure that the populace is not exploited as a tool for someone's power due to poverty.

Abandoning a subservient foreign policy, we must become strategic. The Hasina regime essentially became fascist to establish Indian hegemony. Analysts often believe that India sustained Hasina in power. Moreover, any government that comes to power in Bangladesh contemplates aligning with the China or America blocs. We need autonomy and self-reliance. Our foreign policy must be anchored in national interest, not in the shadows of regional giants or global powers. Only a sovereign, strategically balanced diplomacy can safeguard the spirit of the July Revolution and secure Bangladesh’s rightful place in the world order. Alongside we have to provide more importance to some institutional reformation. To make a sustainable change it demands strengthening democratic institutions, promoting justice and accountability, ensuring inclusivity, and fostering economic stability. Furthermore, it is crucial to address broader societal issues like unemployment and the plight of marginalized communities.

Crucially, we must honor the aspirations of our martyrs. Putting aside ideological and intellectual differences, let the dream of the July martyrs be the symbol of our national unity. Everyone must play an uncompromising role in this regard. Another significant aspect is the recognition of all political and non-political factions involved in the July Revolution. Only then can we hope to give the July Revolution a lasting form. History watches closely—whether we rise to fulfill the promises etched in blood, or once again retreat into betrayal.

The answer will define not just our present, but the destiny of generations yet to come.