People's innate human nature reveals their natural attraction to economy and power. Humans also work diligently for their religious beliefs. In today’s world, major religious ideologies include Islam, Christianity, Judaism, and Hinduism. To secure their ideological, economic, or political interests, people often use various terms as shields, such as women’s empowerment, democracy, socialism, nationalism, humanity, etc. In this discussion, we will attempt to explain the process through which a state becomes fascist in Bangladesh's perspective.
Any democratic state has three fundamental organs: the executive, the judiciary, and the legislature (parliament). A constitutional system mandates that an independent institution should make appointments to key positions in the executive branch. In Bangladesh, according to Article 22 of the Constitution, the independence of the judiciary is a fundamental principle of the state.
In a democratic system, representatives elected by the people form the legislature or parliament, which is responsible for making laws.
In essence:
The legislature makes laws.
The judiciary interprets laws.
The executive implements laws and runs the administration.
We will examine, only for power exercise and economic solvency, how the Awami League, by controlling these three key organs-the executive, judiciary, and parliament-undermined democratic practices, initiated authoritarianism, and eventually established a fascist state in Bangladesh. This consolidation of power has led to a significant erosion of civil liberties and a stifling of dissenting voices. The implications of such a shift are profound, affecting not only the political landscape but also the social fabric of the nation.
Executive Branch
The executive branch is the organ of government responsible for implementing laws, governing the state, and managing administrative functions. It is the driving force behind day-to-day governance and policy execution. In Bangladesh, the executive branch includes the President, the Prime Minister, the Council of Ministers, and Civil Servants (bureaucracy).
1. Expansion of Executive Control (2008–2024)
Table: Growth of State Workforce Under the Awami League
Table: Growth of State Workforce Under the Awami League
| Category | Estimated Number | Interpretation |
| Total Government Positions | 1,700,000 | Full administrative structure |
| Filled Positions | 1,250,000 | Active workforce |
| Recruited (2008–2024) | 700,000 | Worked during ruling period |
| Promoted (2008–2024) | 350,000 | Internal consolidation |
| Total Beneficiaries | 1,050,000 | Direct/indirect loyalty base |
According to reports published in Daily Desh Rupantor on November 3, 2024, and Daily Janakantha on January 1, 2025, the total number of government positions in Bangladesh is approximately 1.7 million, with about 1.25 million currently filled. Of these, around 700,000 were recruited during the 15.5 years of continuous rule under Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League government. Additionally, more than 350,000 officials were promoted during this period. Altogether, through direct recruitment and promotion, the number of officials considered beneficiaries of the Awami League government stands at approximately 1.05 million.
Government Workforce Influence
Recruited 700K
Promoted 350K
Total Beneficiaries 1.05M
Analytical Insight:
A substantial portion of the state’s administrative machinery emerged during a single political tenure, suggesting the formation of a loyal bureaucratic base, which is a classic precursor to centralized authority.
According to public administration officials cited by the daily Desh Rupantor, political considerations were the basis for most appointments made over the past 15 years. Some individuals managed to enter the system without political affiliation through various means, including financial transactions. Allegations suggest that the government largely excluded individuals with opposing political views from employment. To prevent non-supporters' entry, multiple layers of background verification were conducted. Particularly for cadre and certain non-cadre services, candidates were screened by intelligence agencies, and in some cases, further investigated by district administrations.
Ordinary job applicants reportedly had to declare support for the ruling party. Regardless of merit in written or oral exams, entry into government service for members or supporters of opposition parties such as BNP or Jamaat was described as nearly impossible.
Judiciary Composition
Appointed under AL 80%
Earlier Appointments 20%
Analytical Insight:
When approximately four-fifths of the judiciary are appointed under one political administration, the institutional independence of judicial review becomes structurally vulnerable.
3. Expansion of the Coercive Apparatus
Table: Police Force Growth
| Year | Personnel | Growth |
| 2008 | 84,000 | Baseline |
| 2024 | 213,000+ | +129,000 |
Growth Chart
Police Force Expansion
2008 84K
2024 213K
Analytical Insight:
A more than 2.5-fold increase in law enforcement capacity reflects a significant expansion of state coercive power, often associated with regimes prioritizing control over
consent.
Currently, there are around 2,000 judges in the judiciary, of whom approximately 1,600 were appointed between 2008 and 2024 under the Awami League government. In 2008, when the Awami League assumed power, the Bangladesh Police (BDP) force had around 84,000 personnel. By August 5, 2024, that number had increased more than 213,000. To understand how a state apparatus can be politicized, Bangladesh’s experience from 2008 to 2024 is a significant case in global history.
The politicization of the executive branch, in particular, has played a decisive role in the transformation of the state towards authoritarianism and ultimately fascism.
Judiciary
The extent to which the judiciary remained independent or free from political influence during the Awami League period can be understood from the book A Broken Heart written by former Chief Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha (S.K. Sinha).
He writes:
“Although Bangladesh was officially functioning under a parliamentary form of government, the reality was only on paper. Even after the amendment to the Constitution in 1991 changed the form of government, the country was being run in a presidential style by setting up the prime minister's secretariat and strengthening the prime minister's office. The Prime Minister's office made all decisions, regardless of whether it was an Awami League or BNP government. The Law Minister therefore had little power to exercise discretion in any policy matter. For example, then Law Minister Shafique Ahmed and AK Khandaker met the Prime Minister with a proposal to set up another International Criminal Tribunal (ICT). The prime minister outright rejected their proposal, saying that the first International Criminal Tribunal (ICT) was constituted as a political decision with a view to fulfilling the election pledge. But success and results were unlikely. Later, I (S.K. Sinha) came to know that the two senior ministers did not utter a single word when the prime minister refused their proposal and returned with broken hearts.”
In other words, after the formation of the International Crimes Tribunal, when the cases were not progressing, the then law minister Shafique Ahmed proposed forming a second tribunal, but Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina rejected the proposal. Later, the law minister requested Justice S.K. Sinha raise the matter with the prime minister, hoping she might reconsider.
Justice Sinha further writes in his book:
"I informed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina about the possibility of expediting the trial process by establishing another tribunal. I recommended that the investigation agency, prosecutors, and judges receive essential equipment, such as laptops, as a priority. Regarding the appointment of prosecutors, I said that appointing only four would be sufficient. I also noted that forming another tribunal could yield results within six months. She assured me that if I provided a list of prosecutors, she would arrange their appointment and take steps to form the second tribunal. Subsequently, within fifteen days, she fulfilled her promise.” After the formation of two tribunals, the trial process gained some momentum. The first verdict was delivered in the case of Abdul Quader Mollah.
4. Institutional Capture Framework
Table: Control Over the Three Organs of State
| State Organ | Mechanism of Control | Outcome |
| Executive | Politicized recruitment and promotions | Administrative dominance |
| Judiciary | Appointment control and tribunal structuring | Judicial alignment |
| Legislature | Electoral engineering and legal amendments | Legal legitimization |
According to this account, tribunals were arranged in a way that enabled the implementation of political decisions under the guise of judicial proceedings, and leaders of opposition political parties were successively sentenced to death. However, in the same cases where several leaders were executed, ATM Azharul Islam was acquitted (during the interim government period) and subsequently became a Member of Parliament.
Parliament
We will examine now how the Awami League, led by Sheikh Hasina, transformed the parliament into an organ of fascism.
The Ninth National Parliament Election was held in 2008. During the election campaign, the BNP strongly criticized the failures of Fakhruddin Ahmed’s caretaker government, as well as the role of the army chief and the military establishment. As a result, the armed forces reportedly realized that if the BNP returned to power, the military could face accountability for imposing the state of emergency and for its unconstitutional involvement in governance.
Consequently, in order to protect their own interests, they allegedly decided to ensure the victory of the Awami League in the election.
5. Electoral Transformation
Table: Evolution of Electoral Legitimacy
| Phase | Characteristics |
| 2008 Election | Alleged engineered mandate |
| 2011 Amendment | Abolition of caretaker system |
| 2014 Election | Opposition boycott; low competition |
| 2018 Election | “Vote-less election” allegations |
| Post-2018 | Consolidated parliamentary control |
Despite what many perceived as widespread public support for the BNP, the military-backed administration allegedly exerted significant influence over the electoral process and implemented its political blueprint. No other election held under a caretaker government in Bangladesh witnessed such extensive allegations of conspiracy, election engineering, and manipulation as the 2008 election conducted under the military-controlled caretaker government. Through political engineering and a carefully orchestrated electoral process, the Awami League under Sheikh Hasina assumed power. One could argue that no government in independent Bangladesh had previously taken power with such a limited genuine public mandate while still asserting democratic legitimacy.
Conceptual Trend Line
Democracy → Hybrid Regime → Authoritarianism → De facto Fascistic Structure
2008 - 2011 - 2014 - 2018 - 2024
After ascending to power through what critics describe as a pre-designed electoral arrangement rather than a true public mandate, the Awami League government led by Sheikh Hasina gradually began to disregard public aspirations. The government’s first major controversy emerged with the BDR mutiny, in which 57 army officers were killed where Sheikh Hasina and India were involved behind the scenes.
While the government simultaneously began politicizing the country’s sovereign military institution. As a consequence, figures such as General Aziz Ahmed, widely criticized as partisan and corrupt, eventually rose to the position of army chief.
Regarding the 2018 election, which is often described as a "voteless election", Army Chief General Aziz Ahmed stated about the 2018 election:
“After visiting various areas, we observed a lovely and cordial electoral environment. As the army chief, I am also a citizen of this country. Based on my experience of traveling across the nation over the past week, I have never seen such a calm and peaceful atmosphere in the last 47 years.”
After being empowered with an overwhelming parliamentary majority through the 2008 election, the Awami League began amending the constitution according to its political interests. Ironically, the same party that once strongly advocated for the caretaker government system abolished it through the Fifteenth Amendment on June 30, 2011, under the government of Sheikh Hasina.
6. Model of Fascist Transition (Bangladesh Case)
Table: State Transformation
| Stage | Process | Bangladesh Context |
| 1 | Entry into power | 2008 political transition |
| 2 | Executive consolidation | Bureaucratic control |
| 3 | Judicial influence | Tribunal mechanism |
| 4 | Electoral manipulation | Electoral manipulation |
| 5 | Legal restructuring | Legal restructuring |
| 6 | Expansion of coercive forces | Expansion of coercive forces |
| 7 | Suppression of dissent | Suppression of dissent |
| 8 | System consolidation | System consolidation |
Political government-controlled elections, the politicization of the military and state institutions, blatant political interference in the judiciary, suppression of dissent, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and various authoritarian practices, Bangladesh gradually found itself confronting what many describe as a full-fledged fascist government operating under the facade of democracy.
To be continued…